In 2009, I became extremely concerned with the concept of Unique Identity for various reasons. Connected with many like minded highly educated people who were all concerned.
On 18th May 2010, I started this Blog to capture anything and everything I came across on the topic. This blog with its million hits is a testament to my concerns about loss of privacy and fear of the ID being misused and possible Criminal activities it could lead to.
In 2017 the Supreme Court of India gave its verdict after one of the longest hearings on any issue. I did my bit and appealed to the Supreme Court Judges too through an On Line Petition.
In 2019 the Aadhaar Legislation has been revised and passed by the two houses of the Parliament of India making it Legal. I am no Legal Eagle so my Opinion carries no weight except with people opposed to the very concept.
In 2019, this Blog now just captures on a Daily Basis list of Articles Published on anything to do with Aadhaar as obtained from Daily Google Searches and nothing more. Cannot burn the midnight candle any longer.
"In Matters of Conscience, the Law of Majority has no place"- Mahatma Gandhi
Ram Krishnaswamy
Sydney, Australia.

Aadhaar

The UIDAI has taken two successive governments in India and the entire world for a ride. It identifies nothing. It is not unique. The entire UID data has never been verified and audited. The UID cannot be used for governance, financial databases or anything. It’s use is the biggest threat to national security since independence. – Anupam Saraph 2018

When I opposed Aadhaar in 2010 , I was called a BJP stooge. In 2016 I am still opposing Aadhaar for the same reasons and I am told I am a Congress die hard. No one wants to see why I oppose Aadhaar as it is too difficult. Plus Aadhaar is FREE so why not get one ? Ram Krishnaswamy

First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you, then you win.-Mahatma Gandhi

In matters of conscience, the law of the majority has no place.Mahatma Gandhi

“The invasion of privacy is of no consequence because privacy is not a fundamental right and has no meaning under Article 21. The right to privacy is not a guaranteed under the constitution, because privacy is not a fundamental right.” Article 21 of the Indian constitution refers to the right to life and liberty -Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi

“There is merit in the complaints. You are unwittingly allowing snooping, harassment and commercial exploitation. The information about an individual obtained by the UIDAI while issuing an Aadhaar card shall not be used for any other purpose, save as above, except as may be directed by a court for the purpose of criminal investigation.”-A three judge bench headed by Justice J Chelameswar said in an interim order.

Legal scholar Usha Ramanathan describes UID as an inverse of sunshine laws like the Right to Information. While the RTI makes the state transparent to the citizen, the UID does the inverse: it makes the citizen transparent to the state, she says.

Good idea gone bad
I have written earlier that UID/Aadhaar was a poorly designed, unreliable and expensive solution to the really good idea of providing national identification for over a billion Indians. My petition contends that UID in its current form violates the right to privacy of a citizen, guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. This is because sensitive biometric and demographic information of citizens are with enrolment agencies, registrars and sub-registrars who have no legal liability for any misuse of this data. This petition has opened up the larger discussion on privacy rights for Indians. The current Article 21 interpretation by the Supreme Court was done decades ago, before the advent of internet and today’s technology and all the new privacy challenges that have arisen as a consequence.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, MP Rajya Sabha

“What is Aadhaar? There is enormous confusion. That Aadhaar will identify people who are entitled for subsidy. No. Aadhaar doesn’t determine who is eligible and who isn’t,” Jairam Ramesh

But Aadhaar has been mythologised during the previous government by its creators into some technology super force that will transform governance in a miraculous manner. I even read an article recently that compared Aadhaar to some revolution and quoted a 1930s historian, Will Durant.Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Rajya Sabha MP

“I know you will say that it is not mandatory. But, it is compulsorily mandatorily voluntary,” Jairam Ramesh, Rajya Saba April 2017.

August 24, 2017: The nine-judge Constitution Bench rules that right to privacy is “intrinsic to life and liberty”and is inherently protected under the various fundamental freedoms enshrined under Part III of the Indian Constitution

"Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens can change the World; indeed it's the only thing that ever has"

“Arguing that you don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have nothing to say.” -Edward Snowden

In the Supreme Court, Meenakshi Arora, one of the senior counsel in the case, compared it to living under a general, perpetual, nation-wide criminal warrant.

Had never thought of it that way, but living in the Aadhaar universe is like living in a prison. All of us are treated like criminals with barely any rights or recourse and gatekeepers have absolute power on you and your life.

Announcing the launch of the # BreakAadhaarChainscampaign, culminating with events in multiple cities on 12th Jan. This is the last opportunity to make your voice heard before the Supreme Court hearings start on 17th Jan 2018. In collaboration with @no2uidand@rozi_roti.

UIDAI's security seems to be founded on four time tested pillars of security idiocy

1) Denial

2) Issue fiats and point finger

3) Shoot messenger

4) Bury head in sand.

God Save India

Thursday, March 8, 2018

12954 - Aadhaar Hearing [Day 15] Introduction Of Aadhaar Bill As Money Bill Unconstitutional: Datar, Chidambaram - Live Law

Aadhaar Hearing [Day 15] Introduction Of Aadhaar Bill As Money Bill Unconstitutional: Datar, Chidambaram

BY: MEHAL JAIN MARCH 7, 2018 10:43 PM


Datar expressed the need for review of the judgment in Binoy Viswam (upholding the mandatory linkage of Aadhaar with PAN card in view of Section 139AA of the IT Act, 1961).

On Day 15 of the Aadhaar hearing, senior counsel Arvind Datar, appearing on behalf of the petitioners, has advanced that the introduction of the Aadhaar (Targeted Deliveries of Financial and Other Subsidies, Benefits and Services) Act of 2016 as a Money Bill was unconstitutional and that it could have, at the most, been treated as a Finance Bill which required the approval of the Rajya Sabha.

Referring to Article 110(3) in so far as it provides that the decision of the Speaker of the Lok Sabha as to whether a Bill is a ‘Money Bill’ shall be final, he submitted that the said provision does not exclude the scope of judicial review.

On Day 1 of the Aadhaar hearing, senior counsel P Chidambaram had referred the bench to the 2007 judgment in Raja Ram Pal v. Hon’ble Speaker, Lok Sabha, wherein it was observed, “Article 212 seems to make it possible for a citizen to call in question in the appropriate court of law the validity of any proceedings inside the legislative chamber if his case is that the said proceedings suffer not from mere irregularity of procedure, but from an illegality. If the impugned procedure is illegal and unconstitutional, it would be open to be scrutinized in a court of law, though such scrutiny is prohibited if the complaint against the procedure is no more than this that the procedure was irregular.”

Further, on that occasion, in view of the 2014 judgment in Mohd. Saeed Siddiqui v. State of UP, Chidambaram and Justice Chandrachud had agreed that the decision of the Speaker on whether a Bill is a Money Bill shall be final for the members of the house of the legislature, but the same may be called into question in the courts on account of an illegality.

Reverting to his argument from yesterday regarding Rule 9 of the PMLA Rules (as amended in 2017) which requires linkage with Aadhaar number for existing bank accounts and mandates the same for new accounts, he said that the consent of the account holder that is sought to be procured in the form is of no avail in view of the said Rules, the noncompliance with which renders their bank account inoperable.

He also indicated the order dated October 15, 2015 of the apex court in Justice KS Puttaswamy wherein the court had limited the mandate of Aadhaar to PDS, LPG Distribution scheme, MGNREGA, National Security Assistance Programme, PM Jana Dhana Yojana and Employees’ Provident Fund Scheme and declined the permission in that behalf to RBI, IRDAI and TRAI.

Stating that the Aadhaar scheme was envisaged only in respect of ‘Subsidies, Benefits and Services’ the receipt or expenditure of which is credited or incurred on the Consolidated Fund of India, Datar perused the Statement of Objects and Reasons of the Aadhaar Act. Justice DY Chandrachud also observed that it is prima facie limited in its applicability as under Section 7.

At a later stage, Datar also criticised the mandate of Section 7. He cited the instance of even Tirupati temple requiring Aadhaar.

“What is the issue in Aadhaar being required at several places? Like in the case of driver’s license”, inquired Justice Ashok Bhushan.

“At the entrance to the airport, one is required to furnish an ID proof. But it would be unreasonable to impose a condition that one cannot enter the airport without a driver’s license,” responded Datar.

Thereupon, Datar indicated Parliament speeches (including that of Congress leader Jairam Ramesh) recommending an amendment in the Act of 2016 to the effect of deleting Section 57, which allows even nonstate entities to mandate Aadhaar. Justice Chandrachud observed that by virtue of Section 57, permitting even private entities require the Aadhaar number, runs contrary to the concept of Money Bill. Justice Chandrachud also noted that there is no state interest involved in allowing private agencies to require Aadhaar.

Further, the senior counsel submitted, in context of the proviso to Section 57 making the mandate of Aadhaar by state and non-state entities also subject to the requirements of informed consent, counselling and data protection as per Section 8 and Chapter VI, that the concept of consent is illusionary by virtue of statutory provisions such as the PMLA Rules. He advanced that ‘consent’ has to be understood as ‘consensus ad idem’ as under the Indian Contract Act of 1872.

Datar cited the argument in the American Congress against the Social Security Number becoming the unique ID proof in all states in the USA as well as the backdrop in which the Privacy Act of 1974 was introduced.

Thereupon, he reiterated the arguments advanced earlier by other senior counsels- excessive delegation on account of definitions of bio-metric and core bio-metric information being inclusive and not exhaustive in the Act of 2016; Aadhaar scheme acting as an instrument of exclusion from social security schemes by virtue of Section 7 and the probabilistic nature of bio-metrics [reference made to Swaraj Abhiyan, (2016) 7 SCC 498]; Regulation 14 of the Enrolment and Update Regulations of 2016 (rejection of Enrolment) and Regulations 27, 28 and 29 (omission and deactivation) being arbitrary.

He expressed the need for review of the judgment in Binoy Viswam (upholding the mandatory linkage of Aadhaar with PAN card in view of Section 139AA of the IT Act, 1961).Further, he submitted that while the NIA Bill was being considered, the Executive power of the Union under Article 73 could not be said to be absolute. In the same context, he also cited the 1955 judgment in Rai Saheb Ram Jawaya Kapur v. State of Punjab.

The senior counsel on Wednesday drew the attention of the bench to the earlier interim orders passed by the apex court in connection with the Aadhaar controversy. On September 23, 2013, it was ruled that no person shall be made to suffer for not possessing a Unique Identification Number  even if the same has been mandated by any government authority and that the Aadhaar card shall be issued only after due inspection so as to not issue the same to illegal immigrants. On March 24, 2014, in SLP (Crl.) 2524/2014, it had been reiterated that no one shall be deprived of any services or social schemes for the want of Aadhaar and all government authorities had been directed to accordingly modify any circulars or notifications issued by them. The order dated September 23, 2013 had been reaffirmed on March 16, 2015. Thereafter, on August 11, 2015, a 3 judge bench had held that the Union of India shall publicise via both print and electronic media that Aadhaar is not mandatory for any social security schemes other than Public Distribution System scheme and the LPG distribution scheme. Finally, on October 15, 2015, a 5-judge bench of the top court had added the MGNREGA scheme, the National Security Assistance Programme, the PM Jan Dhan Yojana and Employees’ Provident Fund Scheme to the earlier list of two schemes. Further, it was held that the order dated September 23, 2013 shall continue to be in force and Aadhaar shall be purely voluntary till such time the matter is finally decided by the court one way or the other.

He submitted that after the coming into force of the Act of 2016, it was pertinent that the government and other civil authorities seek a variation of the apex court orders to validate the 139 circulars and notifications mandating Aadhaar. He remarked that in the jallikattu and the highway liquor ban cases, the apex court orders had been adhered to, while in the present case, there has been contempt.

Voicing the need for provisions for deletion of sensitive, personal information and for opting out, he concluded his arguments, citing the 1952 judgment in State of West Bengal v. Anwar Ali Sarkar on the reasonableness of a statue.

Thereupon, senior counsel P Chidambaram commenced his submissions on the subject of Money Bill.

Starting with Article 107 on the introduction and passing of bills, he proceeded to discuss financial bills and money bills as a subset thereof with reference to Articles 110 and 117.

In view of the fact that a Money Bill may only be introduced in the Lok Sabha and on account of the curtailment of the powers of the Rajya Sabha and the President in respect thereof, he submitted that the relevant provision may be accorded a strict interpretation.

He proceeded to explain the substantive difference between Articles 110 and 117 based on the use of the term ‘only’.

Further, he discussed the exclusion of jurisdiction of the courts by making reference to Article 74(2), clauses (2) and (3) of Article 163 and Article 363.

He mentioned Article 103 providing that the decision of the President on the disqualification of an MP shall be final but requiring the President to obtain the opinion of the Election Commission before deciding on the disqualification, in context of Article 110(3) which renders as final the decision of the Lok Sabha Speaker on the question of Money Bill.

Extension of March 31 deadline for mandatory linkage with bank accounts, mobile phones and other services

In view of the Attorney General’s recommendation that the bench can consider the question of extension in the last week of March, Justice Chandrachud observed that in the event the deadline is extended towards the end of the month of March, the financial institutions shall continue to proceed in uncertainty on the assumption that March 31 is the deadline.

The bench agreed to deliberate on the issue of extension after the conclusion of Chidambaram’s arguments.

It may be noted that by interim order dated December 15, 2017, the Supreme Court had set the March 31 deadline.


The hearing shall resume on next Tuesday